Zimbabwe doomed as long as Mugabe stays on
By Jonathan Moyo
ALTHOUGH
President Robert Mugabe has of late been displaying bravado by ruthlessly
attacking in public some Zanu PF contenders for his 27-year tainted rule, such
as Joice Mujuru, and unleashing violence against opposition politicians in
police cells, while giving the impression he is still like an invincible lion,
the inescapable home truth visible to all and sundry is that he is now behaving
like a cornered rat whose quandary is that every escape route it tries is a
dead-end.
This became clear after his astonishing yet revealing indication last week that
he is set to dissolve parliament in the next few months to enable him to yet
again stand for re-election under controversial circumstances that are certain
to widen and deepen Zanu PF divisions.
At best, the threatened dissolution of parliament which has angered Zanu PF MPs
is designed to give Mugabe assured campaign assistance from the ruling party's
parliamentary hopefuls who would be forced to support his divisive candidacy in
joint presidential and parliamentary elections he wants to call well before the
expiry of his current term in March 2008.
But there could be another sinister agenda to resuscitate Mugabe's dead 2010
plan.
In effect, Mugabe does not want to be succeeded by anybody. Zanu PF factional
leaders who imagine that they are Mugabe's preferred successors are living in a
fools' paradise because Mugabe does not want any successor.
This is because in his book there will never be a vacancy for the presidency as
a long as he is alive.
Witness how, because he has no shame in putting himself above Zimbabwe, Mugabe
has become so determined to play all sorts of dirty games in his shocking quest
to find any pretext to justify his ambition to remain in office and rule for
life. As a result, his public pronouncements have become an embarrassing tale
of flip-flops.
In December 2004 he was settling to retire in 2008 while publicly putting his
weight behind Joice Mujuru as his designated successor whom he had clumsily
imposed on the hierarchy of Zanu PF and government against laid down rules and
procedures and to the detriment of the democratic process inside the ruling
party.
But by December 2006 at the Zanu PF annual conference in Goromonzi the same
Mugabe had changed tack as he was now bad-mouthing Mujuru and asking for a
two-year extension of his rule under a deceitful plan to harmonise presidential
and parliamentary elections in 2010.
Come March 2007, against the background of a decisive rejection by his own
party of his sinister 2010 plan, Mugabe is now asking for a fresh and full
presidential term while threatening to cause chaos and mayhem in Zanu PF by
dissolving parliament in what is an utterly reckless pursuit of power for its
own sake.
Besides his personal and maybe family interest, there is no ideological
content, no policy thrust and no enduring national agenda or principle behind
Mugabe's latest bid to extend and further entrench his rule through a
self-indulgent re-election campaign that would require a premature and
ill-advised dissolution of parliament. Even the usual anti-Blair gibberish
would not do because Tony Blair is leaving office this July.
And the notion that the defence of Zimbabwe's sovereignty or land reform is
possible only if Mugabe is in office is now a silly joke that is not funny.
What everyone can now see and understand is that Zimbabwe is doomed as long as
Mugabe remains in office. This is not a realisation of people who hate him but
people who love Zimbabwe more and who want to put their country first and above
any individual.
Yet Mugabe's indication that he will now seek re-election is revealing and most
welcome in so far as it validates the fact which he has thus far strenuously
denied that his earlier plan to scrap the 2008 presidential election under the
pretext of harmonising parliamentary and presidential polls in 2010 was indeed
designed to extend and entrench his rule via the backdoor.
What is now clear is that Mugabe believes he needs not two but at least five
more years in power which he hopes will translate into a lifetime of his rule
to secure immunity from likely prosecution for his alleged human rights
violations and other indiscretions.
What this means is that, along with some of his Zanu PF succession contenders
who think they are his preferred choice, Mugabe is also now living in a fools'
paradise since he apparently does not realise that he has put himself in an
untenable lose-lose situation whether it's heads or tails, given that what most
people in and outside Zanu PF now want is for him to retire in the national
interest.
Mugabe's determination to remain in office until death do him part is
apparently driven by a fatal combination of old age, his unquenchable thirst
for power, his having a young wife with young children and his getting
sycophantic advice from unscrupulous politicians, incompetent bureaucrats and
delinquent propagandists all influenced by insecure and increasingly nervous
securocrats who are better informed about political developments on the ground
and who can see that Mugabe's empire is crumbling.
It is notable that, unlike the dead 2010 proposal which was initially
championed by Nathan Shamuyarira who is now conspicuous by his silence on all
major issues, Mugabe's latest bid to extend his rule by standing for
re-election did not emanate from Zanu PF structures but came direct from his
embattled office using the government-controlled media. This is because the
desperate bid does not have structural or political support within Zanu PF.
There are some roving Zanu PF political schemers who fancy themselves as
kingmakers and who have been hoping and jumping from one faction to another
since 2004 and who now, because they are still shopping around either for a
leader or a factional home within the ruling party, are encouraging Mugabe to
stand for re-election with the promise of their campaign support. These
schemers are using their alleged support for Mugabe as a convenient weapon to
block the presumed political interests of Joice Mujuru, Emmerson Mnangagwa and
Gideon Gono.
Among these Zanu PF schemers are the likes of Elliot Manyika, Nicholas Goche,
Sydney Sekeramayi, Oppah Muchinguri, Saviour Kasukuwere and Patrick Chinamasa
who, by virtue of his ministerial portfolio, is drafting the legal instrument
to facilitate Mugabe's re-election bid that would include the unpopular
dissolution of parliament.
Most of them want Mugabe to stay for their own self-interest, not because they
think that he is a good leader.
As influential leaders of the Zanu PF youth and women's leagues respectively,
Kasukuwere and Muchinguri are key to Mugabe's controversial re-election bid and
they are expected to provide powerful endorsements from their leagues. But
their tasks will be more than a tall order because the majority of the youth
and women in Zanu PF are saying they have had enough of Mugabe whom they accuse
of failing to turn around the economy which has become Mugabe's effective
opposition.
Against this backdrop, it appears that Mugabe's bid to seek re-election is
intended as a ploy to regain lost political leverage in the negotiation stakes
for his failed 2010 plan which he hopes to resuscitate through the bid. His
strategy is to threaten to dissolve parliament in order to render every Zanu PF
politician currently in public office as politically insecure and vulnerable as
he himself has become.
Mugabe's hope is that by spreading his political insecurity to make it a shared
threat within the leadership of his party, Zanu PF critics of his 2010 plan
would be forced to rethink their opposition purely for reasons of safeguarding
their own positions which are now in jeopardy as a result of Mugabe's
re-election bid.
But Mugabe is in a zero sum quandary. What complicates the game plan for him to
the point of being left behaving like a cornered rat, despite his roaring
posture of a lion, is that, whether it's about his wish for a two-year
extension of his rule under his old 2010 plan or his quest for a fresh and full
presidential term under his new 2008 re-election bid that would be preceded by
the unpopular dissolution of parliament, there is one irreversible constant:
the growing chorus within Zanu PF's rank and file for him to retire now as a
statesman or face the inevitability of a humiliating exit at the polls, as
happened to Kenneth Kaunda in Zambia, or worse, be thrown out through chaos and
mayhem, as happened to Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire.
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